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The End of the Line … Corrupt Court Edition 

The End of the Line … Corrupt Court Edition
· The Backchannel

The more I speak with people both in the political world and in what I’ve called the legal academic-judicial nexus, the more I see just what a sea change is underway about Court reform. It’s come in successive waves: Dobbs, the immunity decision, Callais. There are various models of reform. But I don’t know anyone who has seriously considered the matter who thinks that you can have serious reform without expanding the Court. In these conversations, a few people have raised the question: what if the Court rules that a Court expansion law is itself unconstitutional? To put it slightly differently, what if the Court decides that the limits on its authority the Constitution creates, the paths for accountability it creates, are themselves unconstitutional.

This is question that is once absurd but also in a certain specific way important to prepare for.

The key, overriding and singular point is that the Court has zero jurisdiction over the number of judges who serve on it. The Court might as well decided that going forward it will appoint members of the Court itself. The Constitution clearly and explicitly gives Congress the power to choose the number of Justices who will serve on the Supreme Court. Congress first chose that there would be six. It then expanded it to 7, 9 and finally ten before changing it back to 9. The very existence of the Court as currently constituted, that it is nine Justices rather than three or one hundred, is the product of the Congress’s power which this scenario would have the Court questioning. That’s the simple answer. The Court lacks any jurisdiction.

That’s where I left the question the first few times it was raised to me. But of course this Supreme Court is steeped in the deepest anti-constitutional corruption and abuses of power imaginable. We couldn’t be surprised if this Court did manufacture new text in the Constitution that allowed its current members to appoint their own successors. And it would be folly to assume they might not try to review such a law, despite lacking any power to do so. For this Court the fact that it’s laughable, admittedly, doesn’t mean much.

The answer is to make clear in advance that the law is fully un-reviewable and not even entertain the discussion. As I said, if the Court decided it could appoint its own members no one should entertain that as a serious claim. This is identical. The Constitution gives Congress this power clearly and explicitly. The Court can’t review the legitimacy of the basis of its own existence. That is simply a matter of logical principles.

The answer is to pass the law (with a trifecta), nominate and confirm the justices (with the same trifecta) and send them over to the building. If Roberts and Alito want to barricade themselves in the building, sure, why not. They’re coming. Get used to it. Congress and everyone involved would have to make clear in advance that the whole question will not be entertained and that the matter will be settled solely and entirely with the legitimate power of Congress, in concert with the assent of the president. The new justices will show up up at the building. Pull up new chairs at the table or they’ll bring their own. Either way, end of story.

If anything the whole episode would be a salutary demonstration of the Court’s illegal conduct. The attempt would be illegal, unconstitutional and illegitimate and thus a good illustration of the Court’s corruption. It doesn’t count. Don’t engage with it. Pass the law and nominate the judges and send them over.

Yet More Thoughts (and a Bit of Love) for the Fancy Lawyers

A couple days ago I found myself in a brief online (social media) argument with a Court-reformer member of the legal academy insisting that, contrary to my claims, it’s totally false that there are no reformers in the academy. Of course I never said there were no reformers in the academy. What I said, what I think is undeniable, is that the legal academy as a group or a community, and especially its most powerful voices, have been deep in the SCOTUS-reverencing camp. And for more clarity here we’re talking really about the liberal + mainstream academic legal community. It goes without saying that this applies, on a contingent basis certainly, to the conservative legal movement which not only participates in the corruption of the Roberts Court but is in effect its deep root structure, from which the Roberts Court is simply the degenerate, swaggering oak dominating the canopy and blocking out the sun which civic democracy needs to flourish.

More on Fancy Lawyers #2 

More on Fancy Lawyers #2
· The Backchannel

I want to share with you a letter from fellow TPM Reader DA. He makes a point I fully agree with but didn’t make clear enough in yesterday’s post. I fully agree there is such a thing as legal expertise. I’ve made that clear in my actions over a couple decades by paying for some of the very best (and priciest) legal counsel — mostly though not exclusively on 1st Amendment and libel law. It of course goes beyond this. Law, in its largest scope, is a complex set of rules and practices that we as a society have agreed on — sometimes explicitly, usually implicitly — to govern ourselves by and through which we resolve the countless range of disputes — civil and criminal — that arise among us. But it is in the nature of any specialized and professionalized craft to cast a penumbra of authority beyond its actual area of expertise.

More on the Fancy Lawyers (and the Legal Academy)

From an Anonymous TPM Reader …

Apologies for the extremely lengthy response, but your post today hit upon a perennial hobby horse of mine!

It strikes me that in addition to their own self-image, law professors (and elite lawyers generally) aren’t able to be honest brokers in discussions about court reform because of the enormous quid pro quo and tight knit social ties created by judicial clerkships.  The number of students that obtain clerkships plays a big role in law school rankings. Partly as a result of this, having clerked at least for a circuit clerk is now seen as a de facto requirement to be hired as a law professor, barring a PhD in another field (and even then, most still clerk).  Professors who clerk help place students with their judges and so on and so forth.  There is an *enormous* professional taboo against quitting a clerkship or criticizing the judge that you worked for no matter how bad the experience.  It’s viewed as professional suicide, some law schools will effectively ice you out of their career services as you do it, and certain firms will effectively be closed to you for the entirety of your career.  Conversely, stay close with your judge and you can expect them to be a letter of rec and introduction-maker for life. All of this adds up to elite law school faculty and elite lawyers having a sizeable material professional and social stake in revering judges, in addition to their psychological investment in feeling learned.

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